The Venezuela-ing of America
Banana republic is as banana republic does.
By now, the election has displayed numerous “tells” that our own State Department uses to highlight fraudulent vote tabulation in countries like Iran and Ukraine: statistical anomalies, blocking and obscuring official observers, procedural irregularities such as stopping vote counts, suspicious software “glitches,” and social media blackouts when citizens raise the alarm.
Thankfully, litigation, hand-recounts, and even federal investigations of fraud are all underway—a process that other countries with questionable elections like Syria don’t have. But if proof of systematic meddling is uncovered, Americans must still rely on the justice system to act on this proof, and the media to ensure the rightful winner is declared.
But what if these hallowed institutions don’t deliver?
It might be terrifying to admit, but American democracy depends on authorities who have lost the public trust: unbiased state and city officials to ensure procedural fairness, unbiased election workers to ensure vote integrity, unbiased judges to enforce that integrity, and unbiased media to inform the American people about the other three. Who will audit the auditors? To examine one test case, the Georgia GOP has already raised alarms that the promised audit in their state does not meet crucial evidentiary criteria. Will something be done?
This election represents the ultimate test of our system and its resilience in a partisan age. If partisans can seize levers of power that impact election results, and they’ve shown they’ll stop at nothing in their revanchism, why engage in elections at all?
And what other recourse, short of revolution, can right the situation?
I’ve been trying really hard, but I can’t think of a single one. So it’s Amerizuela or bust.
Sidney Powell explained one of the many alleged anomalies of the 2020 presidential election on the Rush Limbaugh show: “Trump votes were programmed to switch to Biden ahead of time, but Trump’s votes were so high, it didn’t work right because they didn’t set their algorithms high enough.” Could that explain the sudden pauses in the counting of votes in crucial swing states on election night? Trump was too far ahead, and adjustments had to be made to ensure a Biden victory? Powell has also released information claiming that Smartmatic voting software, which was used extensively in the United States in the 2020 election, was manipulated in Venezuela to ensure the victories of socialists Hugo Chavez and Nicholas Maduro.
That isn’t evidence that this software was used in a fraudulent manner in the United States, but it raises the question, and we will likely not get definitive answers until the disputed election reaches the Supreme Court, and even then the arguments will go on. Nevertheless, the ongoing revelations about the 2020 election are more than enough, if not to overturn the result, then at very least to underscore the fact that whether or not President Trump’s efforts to throw out illegal votes and stop voter fraud this year succeed, America will have no more free elections if this problem is not thoroughly addressed, and concrete actions taken to ensure that future elections are tamper-proof.
And so it’s all on the line now with Sidney Powell, Rudolph Giuliani, and the rest of Trump’s legal team. Those who are dismissing even the possibility that the presidential election could have been rigged lack a historical sense. America has had fraudulent elections before, even at the presidential level: as Rating America’s Presidents details, Andrew Jackson raged (although he almost certainly wasn’t as unhinged as Hillary) for four years against what he called the “corrupt bargain” that he charged John Quincy Adams had made with Henry Clay to secure victory in the 1824 election, which went to the House of Representatives; he then rode that rage to a landslide victory over Adams in 1828.
Then in 1876, the election dispute dragged on until March 2, 1877, two days before what was then Inauguration Day. In exchange for Democrat acquiescence to his victory, the Republican Rutherford B. Hayes agreed to remove federal troops from the South, disenfranchising black Americans and creating the Democrats’ segregationist “Solid South” that lasted until the next fraudulent election, that of 1960. In that one, Democratic Party machines manufactured enough votes to deliver Illinois and Texas to John F. Kennedy. JFK’s opponent Richard M. Nixon opted not to contest the results, despite having evidence in hand, because of the disruption a disputed election would have caused to Cold War America.
But now the Cold War is long over, the Solid South is a distant memory, and the “corrupt bargain” is the one Trump referred to in a late October rally: “Joe Biden has made a corrupt bargain in exchange for his party’s nomination. He has handed control of his party over to the rage-filled socialist Marxist and left-wing extremists. And could we put another name in there? Starts with a ‘C.’ Communist. Yes. No, we got a couple of them too, unfortunately.”
Yes, we do. And we could have more very soon. If they’re victorious now, we may not get another chance to challenge their hegemony. We have seen how that works in Venezuela.
And now, thanks to the systemic corruption and megalomania of the Democrat-Socialist criminal cartel, we’re seeing it at work here too.
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